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BTI 2008
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Croatia Country Report
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Status Index
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1-10
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8.57
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# 14 of 125
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Democracy
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1-10
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8.85
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# 11 of 125
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Market Economy
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1-10
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8.29
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# 13 of 125
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Management Index
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1-10
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6.87
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# 9 of 125
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scale: 1 (lowest) to 10 (highest)
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score
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rank
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trend
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Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung,
BTI 2008 — Croatia Country
Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung,
2007.
© 2007 Bertelsmann Stiftung, Gütersloh
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Key Indicators
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Population
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mn.
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4.4
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HDI
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0.85
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GDP p.c.
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$
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11,603
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Pop. growth1
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% p.a.
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0.0
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HDI rank of 177
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44
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Gini Index
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29.0
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Life expectancy
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years
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76
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UN Education Index
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0.90
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Poverty3
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%
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<2
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Urban population
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%
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56.5
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Gender equality2
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0.60
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Aid per capita
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$
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28.2
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Sources: UNDP, Human Development Report 2006 | The World Bank,
World Development Indicators 2007 | OECD Development Assistance Committee
2006. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate 1990-2005. (2) Gender
Empowerment Measure (GEM). (3) Percentage of population living on less than
$2 a day.
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Executive Summary
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During the review period, Croatia made
further progress in transformation toward democracy and a market economy. The
country intensified its Euro-Atlantic integration, whereby substantial reform
efforts were clearly aimed at EU integration. The Sanader
government’s willingness to cooperate with external participants through the
International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) turned out
to be a crucial breakthrough in relations with Brussels, facilitating the
start of official accession negotiations with the European Union in October
2005. At the same time, Croatia made some progress in its relations with
NATO; in late 2006, the United States signaled that
Croatia might receive an invitation for membership as early as 2008. Croatian
political institutions and the party system are now stable. The last two
coalition governments under Racan and Sanader contributed to a less polarized party system. In
particular, basic institutional conditions improved, and the dialogue with
the EU Commission and regular reporting on progress in the accession
negotiations that began in October 2005 resulted in improvements to
constitutional legality and the protection of minorities. However,
ethnic-based discrimination persists, and the judiciary is not sufficiently
independent, impartial and professional. It also has yet to eradicate
corruption. Public administration continues to be subject to political
influence. Croatia’s political leadership made strides to achieve
reconciliation and regional cooperation in the Balkans, thus improving the
country’s reputation. This is reflected in the favorable
investment climate and increased foreign direct investment. Croatia has also
advanced economic transformation, showing continuous macroeconomic stability
– apart from high foreign debt. Relatively high levels of unemployment,
general government and trade deficits, slow sectoral
change and an insufficiently competitive economy remain major problems.
Croatia has successfully led accession negotiations that led to five chapters
being opened. The announced aim to complete all the remaining chapters by the
end of 2008 thus seems realistic. Intensified reform efforts – especially in
terms of protecting agriculture and the environment – are needed to achieve
this objective. There is overall agreement across all parties on the
strategic goal of integrating into the European Union as soon as possible.
This goal is unlikely to change in the future. Parliamentary elections to be
held in 2007 provide the opportunity for Croatia to demonstrate its ability
to set up a new government in a timely fashion. Should it fail to do so,
Croatia risks losing ground in EU accession negotiations, which could delay
its final entry date into the European Union.
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History and Characteristics of Transformation
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Until its independence, the Republic of
Croatia was a constituent republic within the Socialist Federated Republic of
Yugoslavia. Independence was formally declared on 25 June 1991. Before that,
the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ, Hrvatska Demokratska Zajednica),
captured a majority of votes in elections held in May 1990. Franjo Tudjman, chairman of the party and a former
general and nationalist dissident during Tito’s reign, became the first
president of Croatia. The task of establishing a new state – the new
constitution was passed on 22 December 1990 – was accompanied by
transformation toward democracy and a market economy. Ravaged by war, Croatia
suffered a serious crisis that was accompanied by a decrease in industrial
production of about 50% and a rapid increase in unemployment. Until the
mid-1990s, up to 30% of its territory was occupied by rebellious Serbs; as a
result, key linkages between the capital, Zagreb, and Slavonia
and sections of the Dalmatian coast were disrupted, some even severed. During
this period, democratization advanced only haltingly. Under Franjo Tudjman’s authoritarian leadership in the latter
half of the 1990s, the country grew increasingly isolated – both politically
and economically – as the military regained control of formerly occupied
areas in western Slavonia and the Krajina and the leadership proved unwilling to cooperate
with international organizations. Consequently, Croatia remained one of the
few transformation countries in Central and Eastern Europe not participating
in NATO’s Partnership for Peace program and without established institutional
relations with the European Union by 2001. Reforms in the 1990s made some
gains in advancing a market economy, despite difficult structural conditions.
The foundation for a market-based economic framework was finally formed in
the fall of 1993 with the establishment of a private property regime and the
macroeconomic stabilization program. Inflation was also brought under control
with the help of restrictive loan, finance and income policies. On the
microeconomic level, reform policies aimed at developing and strengthening
the private sector were less successful. Privatization proceeded in the
context of an inconsistent stop-and-go policy against the backdrop of
political power struggles. Foreign capital inflows were discouraged by
minimal transparency in ownership conversions and preferences for insiders,
resulting in insufficient restructuring and modernization of the business
sector. This, in turn, led to a minimally competitive export economy and
rising trade deficits. Tudjman’s death ushered in a period of great
uncertainty. The governing HDZ suffered a devastating loss in the
parliamentary elections of January 2000, which resulted in a change in the
country’s political direction. The left-center
coalition government, consisting of six parties, was now led by the social
democrats (SDP), who won a majority and elected the new premier, Ivica Racan. Transformation
policies in Croatia thus changed as well. The constitutional amendments of
November 2000 and March 2001 introduced a parliamentary system of government,
ending the system of a dual executive and the powerful position of the
president. Gains made in democratic transformation have been closely
connected to increased cooperation with external actors such as the European
Union, the WTO, CEFTA, the IMF and the World Bank. The European Union has
acknowledged the fast pace at which Croatia had been able to facilitate
economic and democratic transformation by signing the Stabilization and
Association Agreements and offering the prospect of accession. These positive
developments continued even after parliamentary elections in November 2003,
which brought in a new government. The newly reformed HDZ regained the
majority and elected Party Chairman Ivo Sanader the new prime minister. By early 2003, Croatia
had made sufficient progress to officially apply for European Union
membership. Following the Commission’s positive response, the country was
awarded candidate status in the summer of 2004.
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Transformation Status
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I. Democracy
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Croatia continued to progress in the
direction of democracy and to approach the standards of the European Union
during the period under review. Due to the reform politics and the
pro-European orientation practiced by Prime Minister Ivo
Sanader and his predecessor, the country’s
accomplishments now seem to be recognized. By virtue of these politics, the
EU Commission already considered Croatia to be a functional democracy in
2004, and the latter therefore became an official candidate for membership.
However, the EU postponed accession negotiations with Croatia because the
Croatian government did not fully cooperate with the International Criminal
Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. In particular, the government did not
undertake sufficient efforts to seize and extradite the retired army general
and former wartime military leader Ante Gotovina
who was accused of war crimes. In the autumn of 2005, the European Unioin considered Croatia’s cooperation sufficient to
open accession negotiations.
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1 | Stateness
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Since 1998, after the eastern parts of Slavonia had been integrated, Croatia has extended the
state’s monopoly on the use of force, which is free from any limitations,
over the entire national territory.
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Monopoly on
the use of force
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All citizens have the same civic rights,
and the majority acknowledges the constitution in principle. The constitution
of 2001 defines Croatia as the nation-state of the Croatian nation and the
state of members of ten specified national minorities as well as “others.”
Ethnic Serbs represent the largest minority, comprising more than 4.5% of the
population in 2001, although this group amounted to 12% in the former
Yugoslavia. Of the 300,000-350,000 Croatian Serbs who were involuntarily
displaced as a result of the 1991–1995 war, approximately 120,000 refugees
and displaced persons had registered their return to Croatia on 30 April
2006. Persistent difficulties concerning access to housing, acquired rights
and employment have prevented many Croatian Serbs from returning. National
minorities are still generally perceived in the media as separate entities
and not as an integral part of society. Negative stereotyping in the press
has continued.
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State
identity
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Deeply rooted within Croatian society and
culture, the Catholic Church is seen as an identity-creating institution.
Nevertheless, state and religion are separate to the greatest possible
extent; political processes are secularized. However, in some questions –
such as forbidding work on Sunday – the church strongly expresses its opinion
with the aim of influencing public opinion.
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No
interference of religious dogmas
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Public security and order are ensured.
The state is present with basic administrative structures throughout the
entire territory.
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Basic
administration
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2 | Political Participation
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There are no constraints on free and fair
elections, as was illustrated by the last two parliamentary elections (2000,
2003) and the presidential election in early 2005, when President Mesic was re-elected for a second term. The presidential
election was accompanied by some irregularities, mainly out-of-country
voting, particularly in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and cases of double voting,
where the same person voted once in Croatia and once in Bosnia and
Herzegovina. These irregularities seem to have been caused by deficiencies in
the voting procedure and the management of voter lists. For example, the diaspora voter list and the voter lists of the
constituencies were not compared with each other. Due to allegations of
mandate “selling” connected with the municipal elections in the spring of
2005, elections had to be repeated in several places. Clear and transparent
rules and procedures for local elections and the formation of local
self-administered governments are lacking. As the voter lists were based on
the 2001 census and did not reflect the increase of minority residents in return
areas since then, the Serb minority in particular remained underrepresented
in municipalities. In March 2006, parliament adopted a law establishing a
State Electoral Commission as a permanent body.
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Free and
fair elections
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The elected government has a monopoly on
the power to govern; the public does not accept interference by actors with
veto powers, including military-based political enclaves. Individual lobbies
and radical parties have lost popularity in society. The demonstrations
organized by Croatian veteran federations against the arrest of General Gotovina in the fall of 2005 did not develop into a
national protest movement. While the army is under civilian control, the
counter-intelligence agency violated journalists’ human rights in several
cases. To strengthen democratic supervision of the secret service, parliament
adopted a law in June 2006. There are reports of links between organized
crime and the police.
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Effective
power to govern
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Within the framework of the democratic
order, freedom of association and assembly are approved. Trade unions
actively participate in the work of the tripartite Economic – Social Council
and take part in consultation procedures on key strategic decisions.
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Association
/ assembly rights
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Freedom of opinion and the press are
subject to some intervention that undermines democratic principles, but
outright press censorship is limited to a few isolated cases. Events at the
end of 2005 and during the first half of 2006 indicate that media freedom
continues to be challenged by some political forces, particularly when
journalists raise politically sensitive topics linked to the 1991–1995
conflict. Journalists at the state-owned Croatian Radio and Television
Company (HRT) were criticized by politicians for their managerial and
professional omissions. Some of these journalists were sanctioned for alleged
professional mistakes. In December 2005, the editor of a television program
was dismissed by the HRT program council after Croatian Democratic Union
members had attacked the program for its critical assessment of former
President Tudjman’s legacy. The procedure for the appointment of the steering
committee of the state news service HINA suffered significant shortcomings. National
media outlets based in Zagreb are relatively independent, while local media
remain exposed to varying levels of pressure from local authorities, many of
whom co-own local media outlets. Local politicians and strongmen frequently
sue journalists for libel. In June 2006, parliament approved amendments to
the criminal code, abolishing prison sentences for libel.
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Freedom of
expression
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3 | Rule of Law
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Since constitutional changes were made in
November 2000 and March 2001, the delimitation of competences between the
executive, legislative and judiciary has been improved. As has been confirmed
recently by the report of the EU Commission (November 2006), there are in
principal no limitations on the basic functioning of the separation of
powers. The government, however, may still dissolve local and regional
self-government units without any prior judicial review by referring to their
alleged illegality or unconstitutionality. Insufficient government support,
including budgetary support, to the ombudsman’s office and the constitutional
court continues to constrain their effective operation.
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Separation
of powers
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The judiciary operates relatively
independently, but Croatia is still some distance away from enjoying an
independent, impartial and transparent judicial system. Judicial appointments
are still frequently based on political suitability rather than
professionalism. A uniform, objective and transparent assessment of judges
and judicial trainees (such as a competitive examination and/or interviews)
does not exist. Corruption is publicly perceived as endemic to the judiciary.
Economic and other interest groups continue to exert influence on the
judiciary, and judicial decisions are often tainted by an ethnic bias against
Serbs. Based on an increased number of complaints in 2005, the ombudsman has
warned that the government does not take sufficient action to improve the
quality of judges’ work and to ensure their impartiality and independence
against political interference and corruption. Due to overloaded courts, it
takes a long time until a case is finally heard. The judiciary’s operable
efficiency is limited and needs to be improved, among other things by
reducing the backlog of cases the length of court proceedings and by training
judges. In April 2006, parliament adopted the National Anti-Corruption
Program for 2006 – 2008, which includes measures to combat corruption in the
judiciary.
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Independent
judiciary
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Generally speaking, corruption, clientelism and nepotism continue to be serious problems
in Croatia. For instance, the current deputy prime minister was alleged to
have acquired a flat in downtown Zagreb for a price far below its market
value from the Ministry of Defense during the
Tudjman era. The public perception of corruption deteriorated in 2006. No
high-profile cases of corruption had been successfully prosecuted as of March
2007. Because corruption is seen as a strong obstacle to the process of EU
integration, the fight against corruption has been given high priority. Over
the last few years, the media put more efforts into uncovering office abuses.
However, many allegations of corruption remain uninvestigated
and corrupt practices usually go unpunished. To some extent, investigative
committees in parliament appear to be used as a political tool rather than a
serious instrument to address conflicts of interest.
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Prosecution
of office abuse
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The level of protection against
discrimination is, according to the EU Commission, still far from EU
standards. Ethnically motivated attacks have been reported continually in the
review period, and they were mostly aimed against the Serb minority and the
Orthodox Church. One attack resulted in the victim’s death. The police and
judiciary have not sufficiently investigated and prosecuted such incidents.
While top officials have quickly condemned some incidents, notably the Biljane Donje incident in July
2006, especially local politicians and media often do not clearly condemn
ethnically motivated violence. Ethnic Serb returnees and those who remained
in Croatia during the war still face major difficulties regarding access to
employment, especially in the war-affected areas. Persons belonging to
minorities are underrepresented in the civil service, the police force and
the judiciary, although the 2002 constitutional law on national minorities
envisages an equitable representation of these groups in public institutions.
Minorities are still not treated equally in property-related and economic
matters. The OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities has repeatedly
expressed concern regarding the physical separation of Croat and Serb
schoolchildren in eastern Slavonia. The vast
majority of war crimes are still tried in the community where the crime
occurred, raising concerns related to witness security and impartiality.
Witnesses of major war crimes often refuse to participate in Croatian
proceedings due to security concerns, fearing the repetition of an incident
in late 2005 when the right-wing extremist mayor of Osijek
publicly read out a list of potential witnesses in an important war crimes
case. In 2006, the ombudsman reported to parliament on overcrowding and
sub-standard conditions in Croatian prisons and found that complaints about
improper police conduct doubled from 2000 to 2005. The counter-intelligence
agency violates the civil rights of journalists through its surveillance and
interrogation activities.
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Civil rights
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4 | Stability of Democratic Institutions
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During the period under review,
democratic institutions in Croatia can be described as stable and working in
accordance with their purposes. In other words, political decisions are
prepared, met, executed and controlled by the appropriate institutions. To
this end, the two constitutional changes in 2000 and 2001 have primarily
contributed to this issue. These amendments contained – among other things –
the abolishment of presidential decision-making bodies in favor
of the parliament, thus eliminating insecurities concerning the separation of
powers. Improvements within this domain can also be attributed to the gradual
alignment of Croatia’s institutional framework to EU standards as Croatia
moves toward compatibility with the European Union. However, the judiciary
and public administration remain the two key challenges. Although the first
steps have been made in the right direction, Croatia is still in an early
stage of reforming its judiciary and public administration. The ombudsman
warned that the current practice of filling administrative posts with
politically suitable staff negatively affects the professionalism and
continuity of the state administration. The wide discretionary scope in
legislation leads to inefficiency and legal uncertainty.
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Performance
of democratic institutions
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Democratic institutions are accepted by
all relevant political and social participants and are regarded as
legitimate. The right-wing extremist party, Croatian Party of Rights (HSP),
increased its representation in the local and regional elections held in May
2005, particularly in war-torn areas.
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Commitment
to democratic institutions
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5 | Political and Social Integration
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A pluralistic party system has been in
existence since the beginning of 2000. In 2001, 75 parties were registered,
14 of which were represented with at least one delegate in the Croatian
parliament (Sabor). Over the last few years and in
particular since 2003, the dissipation of existing parties and foundation of
new parties came to a close. Therefore, a strengthening of the party system
was achieved in the period under review. Admittedly, the Croatian party
system is still characterized by a medium to high degree of fragmentation and
a moderate level of voter volatility. Nevertheless, the last two coalition
governments showed a moderating effect on the polarization of the party
system. Limited program capability and weak social integration can often be
observed. In fact, only a few parties – such as the Croatian Peasant Party
(HSS) – have a long tradition and are anchored in society. In addition, some
parties are one-sided in their orientation toward their regional
constituencies, such as Istrian Democratic Assembly
(IDS).
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Party
system
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The network of interest groups has become
more closely knit in the last three years, and a willingness to cooperate and
mediate between society and the political system exists in embryonic form. In
the review period, the significance and autonomy of trade unions increased.
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Interest groups
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The population’s approval of democracy is
medium to high. Political protests target those currently in power and do not
challenge the institutional framework as a whole.
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Consent to
democratic norms
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While there are 29,672 registered
associations in Croatia, over 70% focus on sports, cultural, economic, technical and war veterans’ issues. Few NGOs are involved
in human rights or other advocacy matters. The NGO sector is not yet
consolidated, and few NGOs are professionally staffed or have appropriate
budgets.
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Associational activities
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II. Market Economy
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Although the reform dynamic for market
transformation is weaker than the progress in democratic reforms, Croatia has
registered continuous economic growth for the last few years. This is mainly
due to the strong rise in domestic demand and clearly improved institutional
conditions. In this context, the consolidation of the banking sector, the
intensification of the privatization process as well as the more favorable investment climate play a crucial role in the
run-up to the forthcoming EU integration. In the meantime, a set of
indicators such as economic growth, GDP per capita and inflation, Croatia
already has the same or even higher marks than some of the new member states
of the European Union. The EU considers Croatia to be a functioning market
economy that may be able to cope with the competitive pressure of the EU in
the medium term so long as reforms continue at the same pace.
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6 | Level of Socioeconomic Development
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With a GDP per capita of 6,968 euros in
2005 (Croatian National Bank), Croatia is the highest-income country in
southeast Europe and – besides Slovenia – the second wealthiest successor
state to former Yugoslavia. The Human Development Index (HDI) ranks Croatia
44th with an index value of 0.846, showing a favorable
trend over the last few years. Social exclusion is quantitatively and
qualitatively limited and not significantly ingrained structurally. Also, the
Gini coefficient of 0.29 as measured by the HDI
2004 represents only moderate social disparities. Yet regional disparities
exist and especially war-torn areas like Lika and
eastern Slavonia still suffer economic
disadvantages. Gender discrimination is not apparent; the United Nations
Development Program’s Gender-related Development Index 2004 ranks Croatia 40th out of
144 countries with an index value of 0.848. The government prepared a joint
inclusion memorandum in 2006. According the World Bank report on living
standards, poverty in Croatia is quite limited.
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Socioeconomic
barriers
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Economic indicators
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2002
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2003
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2004
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2005
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GDP
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$ mn.
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23,046
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29,609
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35,262
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38,506
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Growth of GDP
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%
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5.6
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5.3
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3.8
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4.3
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Inflation (CPI)
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%
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1.7
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0.1
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3.7
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3.3
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Unemployment
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%
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14.8
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14.3
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13.8
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-
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Foreign direct investment
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% of GDP
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4.9
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6.9
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3.5
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4.6
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Export growth
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%
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1.2
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11.4
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5.4
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4.6
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Import growth
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%
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13.4
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12.1
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3.5
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3.5
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Current account balance
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$ mn.
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-1913.6
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-2141.9
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-1841.5
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-2585.0
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Public debt
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$ mn.
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7,679.3
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10,062.1
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11,596.3
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9,782.0
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External debt
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$ mn.
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16,682.4
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25,736.2
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32,915.0
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30,168.6
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External debt service
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% of GNI
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17.8
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15.2
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15
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13.2
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Cash surplus or deficit
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% of GDP
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-3.6
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-4.0
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-3.9
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-2.8
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Tax Revenue
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% of GDP
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24.9
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24.1
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23.4
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23.3
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Government consumption
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% of GDP
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21.6
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21.0
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20.3
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19.7
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Public expnd. on edu.
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% of GDP
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4.5
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4.7
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-
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-
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Public expnd. on
health
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% of GDP
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5.8
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6.1
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6.2
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6.1
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R&D expenditure
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% of GDP
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1.1
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1.1
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-
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-
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Military expenditure
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% of GDP
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2.1
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2.1
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1.7
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1.6
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Sources: The World Bank, World
Development Indicators 2007 | UNESCO Institute for Statistics | Stockholm
International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), Yearbook: Armaments,
Disarmament and International Security
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7 | Organization of the Market and Competition
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Basic conditions of market competition
– such as price determination, freedom of pricing and free use and transfer
of profits – are guaranteed. Despite the progress that has been made,
however, institutional rules are sometimes applied with inconsistency and
non-uniformly to market participants.
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Market-based
competition
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Despite the expansion of the national
antitrust division’s (AZTN) responsibilities in 2003, it has not been
possible to proceed more effectively against monopolies and oligopolies
within the framework of the anti-trust laws. This is due to insufficient
resources, which result in considerable reductions in its scope of action.
However, as a result of implementing the Stabilization and Association
Agreement (SAA) and making necessary adjustments to fulfill
the acquis communautaire
starting in October 2005, the Croatian government now gives more attention to
this topic. In this context, due to technical and financial assistance on the
part of the European Union, small improvements can already be seen. The
European Union also expects further reductions of Croatian national subsidies
for large enterprises, in particular in the shipbuilding industry. Further
progress has been made in enhancing competition in the telecommunication
sector. Initial steps have been taken to restructure the loss-making railway
system, while the restructuring of the shipbuilding as well as the iron and
steel sectors remain priorities. Overall, institutional capacity needs to be
strengthened, and further steps need to be taken to meet the conditions of
the acquis communautaire.
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Anti-monopoly
policy
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To a large extent, trade with the
European Union was already liberalized as a result of the Stabilization and
Association Agreement, and existing special arrangements will be abolished
gradually in the course of accession negotiations with the European Union.
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Liberalization
of foreign trade
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Since the financial crisis in the
late 1990s and the subsequent consolidation of the banking sector, the
Croatian banking system ranks among the most efficient in the region. Over
90% of bank assets are now held by foreign banks, most of which are based in
EU countries such as Austria and Italy. Croatia’s financial system is stable
and competitive. A new supervisory agency for the non-banking financial
sector has been established. The insurance sector is small but competitive.
The stock exchange has been growing rapidly, and securities markets are open
to foreign investors.
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Banking
system
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8 | Currency and Price Stability
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Croatia has been extremely successful
in keeping inflation relatively low for many years. During the period under
review, a consistent inflation policy was continued. Therefore, inflation was
registered at a relatively low level of 3.3% in 2005. In accordance with its main
goal of price stability, the Croatian National Bank has implemented an
exchange-rate regime of managed floating. Excessive exchange-rate
fluctuations are prevented by occasional market interventions, keeping the
fluctuation of the kuna to the euro in a narrow
band of 6% around the average exchange rate.
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Anti-inflation
/ forex policy
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Those who expected the 2003 change in
government to trigger a modification in exchange-rate policy and a
devaluation of the Croatian currency were clearly disappointed. Until today,
the kuna has remained invariably strong. On the one
hand, this might impair Croatian exporting industries, but on the other hand,
reliability of expectations can be guaranteed for all participants. Most
likely, this is due to the strong and independent position of the Croatian
central bank (HNB), which has cooperated closely with the IMF over the last
few years. In September 2005, the first review of the stand-by arrangement
was completed. On this occasion, the IMF Executive Board confirmed that most
of the quantitative performance criteria were met. There was a rise in
foreign exchange reserves during the review period. Simultaneously, an end
was finally brought to the enormous increase in external debt. However, at
more than 80% of GDP, external debt remains at an extremely high level.
Fiscal performance has been broadly in line with policy targets set in the
Pre-accession Economic Program (PEP) 2005 and agreed upon under the current
IMF program.
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Macrostability
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9 | Private Property
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In principle, property rights and the
regulation of the acquisition of property are well defined, although state
intervention and ownership are still significant. Privatization continues
albeit slower than envisaged. Over the last few years, existing deficits were
successfully tackled; the revision and digitization of the land registers in
2005 especially contributed to substantial improvement in this area. Thus,
existing uncertainties concerning property rights were eliminated to a great
extent.
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Property rights
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Institutionally speaking, private
companies are viewed as the primary engines of economic progress and are thus
given appropriate legal safeguards. After a slow and inefficient
privatization period in the 1990s, the process clearly sped up over the past
few years. By now, over two thirds of the Croatian economy
have already been privatized. Moreover, there has been a new wave of
privatization in recent years, attracting far more strategic investors and
leading to higher FDI inflows. Larger projects, such
as the privatization of the largest Croatian enterprise INA, which was
postponed several times, was accomplished during the review period. Furthermore,
other considerable transactions are still pending. In this context, the
European Union acts as a motivator for making progress in restructuring and
partially privatizing the largest Croatian shipyards and the steel industry.Sectoral change is slowly progressing. State aid
remained high, largely supporting specific sectors, such as shipbuilding,
steel, aluminum and railways. Overall, state intervention in the productive
sector remains significant.
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Private enterprise
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10 | Welfare Regime
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Social security systems, which
traditionally played an important role in Croatia, became less important with
the collapse of the old social order and the transformation crisis in the
early 1990s. However, during the course of economic recovery, these systems
regained importance and have even been expanded. Social networks are well
developed in part but do not cover all risks for all strata of the
population. Some groups are still at risk of poverty. Facing a fiscally
unsustainable pay-as-you-go pension system accompanied by an unfavorable demographic trend, the Croatian government
passed legislation to bring the pension system in line with other European
countries by establishing individual accounts and offering private investment
options for a portion of the funds.
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Social
safety nets
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A number of institutions compensate for
gross social differences albeit insufficiently. Clientelist
practices, politicization and ethnic bias against minorities constrain the
equality of employment opportunities in the public sector. The level of
protection against discrimination and its judicial prosecution is still not
in line with EU standards. Other risks associated with poverty remain for
some sections of the population. The high unemployment rate, although
declining, represents of course a burden on social insurance systems. Croatia
made some progress with the Joint Inclusion Memorandum (JIM) adopted in 2006,
but much remains to be done to combat social exclusion. There have also been
positive developments in the field of equal opportunities. Women have equal
access to higher education and significant access to public offices and
accounted for 21.7% of parliamentarians in 2006. In October 2006, the
Croatian government adopted the National Policy for the Promotion of Gender
Equality 2006-2010.
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Equal opportunity
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11 | Economic Performance
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GDP growth has been relatively high over
the last years, with a GDP per capita of 6,968 euros in 2005, and is
associated with positive or controllable macroeconomic data. In the first
half of 2006, the real growth rate was 4.8%, and due to private investment,
economic activity remained strong in the third quarter. Even though the
growth rates point to the Croatian economy’s catching-up process, other
indicators underline the fact that the transition process in Croatia is far
from being completed. In spite of significant growth rates, GDP could exceed
the pre-war level of 1990 only recently, so that catching up with EU members
as well as competitiveness remains the biggest challenge in the near future.
The high trade deficits put a strain on the Croatian economy. High import
levels are not the result of purchasing investment goods, which would help
foster future domestic performance, but rather of purchasing consumer goods.
Exports remain highly concentrated, pointing to more diversification and thus
development of industrial structures. The current account deficit widened
until 2002, driven by a continuously increasing trade deficit that then
declined in 2004. In the last few years, the unemployment rate has slowly declined,
but at a 2005 rate of 13.5%, unemployment continues to be one of the most
pressing problems, particularly as the share of long-term unemployment is
increasing, accounting for 54% of total unemployment. In light of forthcoming
EU integration, improved regional cooperation within the Stabilization and
Association Agreement, the integration of the Western Balkans into the common
free trade zone CEFTA, further restructuring in the enterprise sector and the
increasing inflow of FDI, the Croatian economy’s growth potential can be
classified as favorable. Credit growth, a stimulus
for domestic demand, is weakening, so other engines of progress need to be
activated. Whereas the service sector – especially tourism – has been
performing successfully over the last few years, the development of a more
modern and internationally competitive industrial sector is needed. This can
be achieved with a stronger orientation toward innovation and research and
development.
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Output
strength
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12 | Sustainability
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Even though environmental awareness in
Croatia has traditionally never been particularly developed, receptiveness
for environmental issues has risen over the recent years, both among the
general public and the legislative bodies. In the review period, several
organizations were founded – among them the Eco-Social Forum – that fight for
greater attention to aspects of sustainability in the Croatian society and
economy. Environmentally compatible growth is increasingly taken into account
in important portions of economic life, but it still tends to be subordinated
to growth efforts. A positive exception is tourism, which capitalizes on
ecologically compatible growth to enhance existing comparative advantages
among competing tourist destinations. Croatia has ratified the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety,
the Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Convention on Biological
Diversity, as well as signed the Kyoto Protocol. Also, Croatia adopted a
national environmental action plan before starting the negotiation process
with the European Union. Responsibilities are clearly assigned to the
Ministry of Environmental Protection, Physical Planning and Construction. The
commercial sector also competes by underlining its commitment to ecologically
sound growth. Croatia has made progress in the area of air and water quality,
waste management and nature protection, but there has been little or no
progress in industrial pollution and noise. Positive tendencies are likely to
intensify as the country adopts EU standards.
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Environmental
policy
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Both public and private institutions for
education and training are relatively strong and in some cases quite
advanced. At 4.5% of GDP in 2005, investment in education and training is
average quantitatively and qualitatively. Croatia’s educational structure
mirrors the distribution in most Central and East European countries; the
largest group is comprised of individuals with intermediate education levels,
and the share of people with higher education is substantially below the EU average.
Since 2004, the Ministry for Science and Education (MZOS) has been trying
hard to mitigate the considerable brain drain and increase the share of
highly educated people among the population, which – according to official
information (Republic of Croatia 2006) – ranges below the EU average at
approximately 12%. The program Unity Through Knowledge, initiated with World
Bank support, seeks to foster this aim by connecting the academic diaspora with domestic researchers. Furthermore,
well-established researchers from around the globe will be given the
opportunity to return to their home country. Investment in R&D (1.28%)
has been significantly below the EU average so far. Over the course of
further integration and accession negotiations, however, some successes have
emerged, as can been concluded from the latest reports by the EU Commission.
In 2006, an initiative was started together with Croatia’s academic community
in order to advance cooperation between businesses and science. The adoption
of the Strategic Development Framework 2006 – 2013 could be a step forward in
meeting the goals of the Lisbon Strategy and a knowledge society.
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Education
policy / R&D
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Transformation Management
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I. Level of Difficulty
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Structural limitations during the
review period were moderate, despite some challenges related to specific
structural constraints.
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Structural constraints
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Society is still struggling with the
legacy of authoritarian political structures, especially concerning the people’s
trust in state institutions. Civil society traditions may be evaluated as
moderate. Sometimes NGOs are viewed with suspicion by the establishment.
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Civil
society traditions
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Reinforced minority rights and the
pursuit of increasingly prudent politics have eased ethnic tensions since
2000. However, ethnically based discrimination persists, and returning ethnic
Serb refugees still face hostility, particularly in Krajina
or eastern Slavonia. The media continue to create
negative stereotypes of national minorities.
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Conflict
intensity
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II. Management Performance
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14 | Steering
Capability
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During the review period, there have
neither been parliamentary nor presidential elections in Croatia. Therefore,
the discussion below considers the achievements of the Sanader
government, which was elected in November 2003. The government is led by the
Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) and dependent on the pensioners’ party (HSU),
the Democratic Center (DC), the Croatian
Social-Liberal Party (HSLS) and representatives of national minorities.
President Mesic was reelected
on 16 January 2005. EU integration has been the Sanader
government’s highest priority since its takeover of power; all others goals
are considered subordinate. After the accession negotiations had finally
started, Sanader’s government was eager to make up
the time lost between March and October 2005 and focus its attention on
issues like the reduction of government expenditures, subsidies and the
enforcement of an increasingly competitive framework. In addition to public
administration and the judiciary, this has implications for all areas in
which – according to the EU Commission – Croatia shows significant
deficiencies, especially in tackling corruption. In 2006, an initiative was
started together with the academic community in Croatia to facilitate
cooperation between businesses and science. Within the 2006 Strategic
Development Framework (2006 – 2013), the government has chosen knowledge, education,
research and strengthening human resources as the areas highly important to
further development as. The National Scientific and Technological Policy sets
out both short-term and long-term strategic aims, establishes a new financing
mechanism, and defines new rules and procedures for individual research
grants and existing research programs. By stimulating export activities and
restructuring large Croatian companies owned by the state, the government is
focusing on higher competitiveness of the Croatian economy on the global
market, with a positive effect on Croatia’s foreign debt and balance of
payments deficit.
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Prioritization
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Implementation of the Stabilization and
Association Agreement (SAA) has largely continued without major difficulty.
Greater progress has been made in the area of infrastructure, especially
concerning the upgrading of the highway network. By 2007, the network will
have been extended to 800 kilometers altogether –
meaning a significant competitive advantage compared to other countries in
the region. Simultaneously, the single regions of Slavonia,
Istria and Dalmatia will
be connected with the country’s center and the
capital Zagreb, and the southern parts will be more easily accessible to
tourists.
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Implementation
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At the beginning of 2006, Sanader proved that he is also able and willing to learn.
Instead of immediately rejecting Brussels’ proposal to found a new free trade
area named “Western Balkans,” as might have been expected, he made a
constructive alternative proposal. His suggestion to enlarge the existing
CEFTA by integrating the countries of the Western Balkans found EU support
quickly, and thus, Zagreb proved its willingness to take an active role in
forming the region and demonstrated diplomatic maturity.
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Policy learning
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15 | Resource Efficiency
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Despite improvements, the government is
not entirely efficient in its use of available economic, cultural and human
resources. Personnel expenditures remained relatively high, budget deficits
(5.2% of GDP in 2004) and state indebtedness, exceeding 80% of Croatia’s GDP,
are persistent. Although it has been announced, significant reform of the
country’s health system has yet to be undertaken and completed. In other
areas, the country’s managers have been more successful, especially
concerning the decentralization of administration. Local organs of
self-administration have been granted more legal and financial autonomy in
recent years. Bureaucratic barriers to business activities have been
diminished. Following long discussions, the government established HITRO, a
program aimed at reducing red tape and improving regulatory quality. The
introduction of the HITROREZ program in 2005 will help reduce the bureaucracy
involved with the regulation of economic activity. Finally, the time needed
to start a business has been shortened, which has improved the investment
climate. Government administration needs to be more efficiently organized
according to principles of professionalism. The new Civil Service Law came
into force in January 2006. This law addresses deficiencies in the legal
status of civil servants and other public employees, most notably with regard
to the de-politicization of public administration, recruitment, selection,
promotion and training policies. It also covers the regulation of possible
conflicts of interest as well as – to a certain degree – the need to reduce
the number of political appointees in the public administration. Whether or
not the law will lead to an effective de-politicization of public
administration depends on the future adoption and implementation of
legislation. Since the de-politicization clauses will only take effect after
the 2007 parliamentary elections, Croatia’s civil service remains dependent
on political affinities. Even new appointments are not protected against
partisan political influences. The composition of the different task forces
in context of EU accession negotiations may serve as an example of
emphasizing competence rather than party affiliation. Yet the supply of
skilled and well-educated staff is scarce, leading the government to try,
increasingly, to integrate the highly-qualified Croatian diaspora
in the areas of economics, science and public administration. There are first
signs of success emerging from the Ministry of Science, Education and Sports’
efforts to build networks and synergies by sponsoring events and developing
contact databases. The judicial system has continued to suffer from slow and
inefficient court proceedings, poor case management and low administrative
and professional capacity. Corruption remains a serious problem as along with
weaknesses in recruitment and human resources management.
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Efficient
use of assets
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The government tries to coordinate
conflicting objectives and interests, but it has only limited success.
Intra-governmental friction, redundancies and lacunae are significant. The
high level of centralization is still a burden, as is the existing legal
administrative system with its wide margins of discretion.
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Policy
coordination
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Although the government seeks to provide
all integrity mechanisms, efforts to fight corruption remain behind both
domestic and EU targets. In March 2006, the Croatian government adopted the
new National Anti-Corruption Program, including a wide range of sectoral action plans and the strengthening of the Office
for Prevention of Corruption and Organized Crime (USKOK). In October 2006,
the Croatian parliament appointed a national council composed of members of
parliament and trade unions, academics, media and NGOs dealing with the issue
of corruption to monitor the development and effective implementation of the
Anti-Corruption Program. The question of financing of election campaigns is
not included in the legislation.
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Anti-corruption
policy
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16 | Consensus-Building
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There is a consensus on the need to
build democracy and a market economy among all major political actors,
including Premier Sanader, President Mesic and all representatives of the Sabor
parties. This was confirmed by a meeting of the Croatian parliament as early
as 2002, when the Alliance for Europe was established through a consensus
among all parliamentary parties to support EU membership as a strategic
objective of the country. Therefore, there were no significant surprises when
the government changed at the end of 2003 and the reformed Croatian
Democratic Union (HDZ) took over, and no surprises or major changes are
expected to result from the parliamentary elections at the end of 2007. The
responsible persons have consequently been aiming at integration into the
European Union and NATO and have made some progress, reflected by the start
of accession negotiations at the end of 2005 and the prospect of NATO
membership in 2008. Encompassing representatives of all parliamentary
parties, trade unions, employers’ unions and academia, and with the former
Minister for EU Integration Neven Mimica as head, the National Committee for Following the
Accession Negotiations continues its regular meetings.
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Consensus
on goals
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Antidemocratic forces have lost their
influence; both extremist and anti-European parties have been marginalized.
This was clearly underlined by reactions to the causa
Gotovina in the summer and fall of 2005. Despite
individual protests, the countrywide mass demonstration announced after the
Croatian general’s arrest failed to take place and thus could not put
destabilizing pressure on the Sanader government
and the track to Europe.
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Anti-democratic
veto actors
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Both President Mesic
and the government demonstrated a conciliatory attitude toward ethnic
minorities – underlined especially by their enlistment of the Serbian party
SDSS into the government – a clear signal and call for social tolerance.
Symbolic gestures and positive statements on reconciliation from senior state
officials, mutual visits between leaders from both Croatia and Serbia, and
events such as the celebration of the 150th anniversary of the birth of the
Croatian Serb inventor Nikola Tesla have
contributed to an improved atmosphere.
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Cleavage /
conflict management
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While NGOs are still often viewed with
suspicion by the establishment, the government and the wider public have been
gaining a more positive perception of NGOs in the last two years. However,
cooperation and professionalism within the sector is insufficient and NGO
programs tend to be short-term due to financial constraints. Leading advocacy
NGOs continue to be sustained by international donors. In July 2006, the
government adopted a comprehensive legal framework and strategy aimed at
creating a sustainable environment for civil society. In 2003, a Government
Office for Cooperation with NGOs, a Council for Civil Society Development and
a National Foundation for Civil Society Development were established.
Cooperation between these new civil society institutions remains weak, and
they have not yet fully defined their respective roles and responsibilities.
Key legislation recognizing tax benefit status for NGOs, funds and
foundations, transparent state financing of NGO activities, non-profit
entrepreneurship and volunteer activities have been pending since 2003.
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Civil
society participation
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The political leadership recognizes the
need to deal with Croatian war crimes, but the process of reconciliation has
only been partial and fraught with ambiguities. Domestic war crime
prosecutions have been characterized by ethnic bias against Serbs. The
retrial of the Lora case at Split County Court in March 2006 led to the
conviction of all eight former Croatian military policemen for war crimes
against Serb prisoners of war. The court, however, continued the practice of
taking the defendants’ active involvement in the war into consideration as
mitigating circumstances. While the Croatian government has cooperated fully
with the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia,
prosecutors in Croatia have hesitated to raise charges against Rahim Ademi and Mirko Norac, two generals
suspected of war crimes against Serb civilians who were transferred from ICTY
to Croatian jurisdiction in September 2005. The European Parliament has
expressed concerns that the effective prosecution of war crimes in Croatia
might be undermined by hostility at the local level, persisting bias among
some of the judicial staff against non-Croatian nationals and insufficient
protection of witnesses against intimidation. Also, to date, it appears that nobody
has been prosecuted in Croatia in connection with aiding fugitives indicted
in absentia, nor does it appear that anybody has been prosecuted for aiding
in removing traces of war crimes, nor for intimidating witnesses or revealing
the identity of a protected witness. Since the arrest of Ante Gotovina, the Croatian government has indicated its
willingness to support his defense, and various
local authorities have also contributed financially to a fund established for
the same purpose. It is perhaps indicative of the general mood that little is
said in public discourse about the need to establish the truth about who is
responsible for the crimes for which Ante Gotovina
and other Croatian generals have been indicted. As elsewhere in the region,
the general public does not have easy access to objective information about
the work of the ICTY. The government has de facto prevented the recognition
of pension claims by people who worked in the so-called “Republika
Srspka Krajina” during
the Croatian-Serb conflict, although this would be a tangible sign of
Croatia’s willingness to overcome the rifts left by the conflict and promote
reconciliation in the country. More generally, Croat society has not yet come
to terms with the crimes committed by the fascist Croat state during World
War II. A nostalgic extenuation of this time prevails and has been promoted
by Croatian pop stars such as Thompson.
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Reconciliation
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17 | International Cooperation
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In the last two years, the government
has used numerous international programs and projects to foster reform
efforts, especially concerning the improvement of the institutional
framework, the enhancement of infrastructure and the decentralization of governmental
administrative structures. Croatia was in a position to dispose of around 400
million euros in EU funds as part of the accession strategy and diverse
programs such as PHARE, ISPA, SAPARD and CARDS; starting in 2007, Croatia
will benefit from the new IPA program.
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Effective
use of support
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After the European Union had suspended
the start of accession negotiations due to Croatia’s failure to fully
cooperate with the ICTY, Croatia managed to start negotiations in October
2005. Croatia has also won some ground in its relations with NATO. In
particular, its participation in the anti-terror coalition as well as
Croatia’s deployment of military forces to Afghanistan and Iraq contributed
to this favorable development. Thus, President Bush
indicated to the Croatian prime minister in the fall of 2006 that an
invitation for NATO membership was likely. The international community
especially appreciated the readiness of the Croatian government to contribute
to reconciliation and cooperation within the region. This positively affected
relations with Sarajevo and Belgrade, and also with Podgorica
when Montenegro became independent in 2006. Consequently, Croatia is finally
considered a stabilizing factor in the Western Balkans, both by the
international community in general and the European Union in particular.
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Credibility
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Croatia actively participates in regional
initiatives. In this context, the initiative and commitment to create a
multilateral free trade agreement must be mentioned. The new CEFTA, signed on December 2006 and replacing the 32
bilateral free trade agreements in southeastern
Europe, is considered an important step for economic development and
preparation for membership in the European Union. Croatia presently chairs the
Southeast European Cooperation process (SEECP) and will host the SEECP summit
in 2007. It also actively participates in the Stability Pact, supports the
establishment of the Regional Cooperation Council and has signed the Energy
Community Treaty in Athens, which entered into force on 1 July 2006. Whereas
the quality of relations with its southeastern
European neighbors has been ameliorated, Croatia
and its leaders could not ease tensions with its northern neighbor
Slovenia. Problems remain with the unresolved border disputes on land and at
sea, and there are two open disputes over the Krsko
nuclear power plant and (Nova) Ljubljanska Banka, resulting from the common Yugoslav history. The
Croatian suggestion to resolve the argument with the help of a neutral third
party has thus far been rejected by Slovenia. Both sides repeatedly provoke
the other, most recently in January 2007, when Slovenian Prime Minister Rupel publicly mused about blacklisting Croatia as a
tourist destination. Nevertheless,
both sides avoid open escalation.
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Regional
cooperation
|
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Strategic Outlook
|
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Over the last few years, Croatia’s
democratic consolidation and institutional stabilization have facilitated
accession negotiations with the European Union, thus bringing the country
closer to its goal of European integration. Ongoing cooperation with the
European Union is particularly important as it provides access to the
financial and technical assistance needed to establish an efficient and
vibrant market-based democracy in Croatia. However, Croatia must intensify
and expedite its own reform efforts – particularly structural reforms – to
meet and prove capable of enforcing the acquis communitaire. Though accession negotiations have gone
well to date, it is important to bear in mind that more drastic reforms, such
as agricultural and environmental protection legislation, have yet to be initiated.
The European Union’s reports on
Croatia’s progress document a successful start to accession negotiations and
professionalism in screening and dealing with the first negotiated chapters.
By the end of 2006, Croatia managed to open five chapters and close two of
them, meaning that negotiations are likely to be concluded by the end of
2008. This in turn would mean that Croatia might become the 28th member
before the end of the decade – and that Sanader
would keep his promise. Despite existing reforms and partial successes, there
are short- to medium-term strategic challenges in the areas of administrative
structure, judicial administration and corruption. Stabilizing the framework
for competition, dismantling subsidies and continued privatization appear to
be just as urgent challenges. Although the private sector has grown, the
state’s share of the economy is still too high in several key industries.
Accession negotiations will require that competition be enhanced further,
that its commercial balance sheet improve, and that the standard of living in
Croatia catch up with that found in most of the European Union. Though there
are signs of improvement to Croatia’s economic competitiveness, much more is
needed if the country is to stand its ground within an EU market. Recently
initiated programs such as “budimo CROativni (“be CROative”), as
well as the recent export offensive, may be first important steps in this
direction.
With investments in tourism increasing
in recent years, the sector shows growth potential. To better exploit this
trend, Croatia will need to improve the quality of tourism it offers,
including better hotel resorts with expanded leisure-time facilities.
Strategic foreign investors might play a crucial role here. Accession
negotiations imply a reduced credit risk for investors and serve to attract
foreign direct investment. Combined with macroeconomic stability, this should
result in increasing foreign direct investment, which in turn will support
the necessary modernization process.
As parliamentary elections will be held
in 2007, reform eagerness is likely to be eclipsed by the election campaign
in the run-up to elections. Given the fact that there is overall agreement
across all parties on the strategic goal of integrating into the European
Union as well as NATO, the fundamental issues of the party or coalition
forming the new government will pale in comparison. Setting
up a new, stable government quickly so as to avoid losing time in the
accession negotiations will likely take priority. A stable and
well-functioning government will be extremely important in confronting
painful but necessary reforms in the next few years.
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